CH 21 notes


the state or quality of having status as a separate and independent nation


The state of a person in relation to the nation in which he was born.

1805-72, Italian patriot and revolutionist, a leading figure in the RISORGIMENTO. A proponent of Italian unity under a republican government, he wrote revolutionary propaganda from exile, chiefly in London after 1837. He believed that unity should be achieved by revolution and war based on direct popular action. His influence on Italian liberals was enormous, and his literary style is remarkably fine. He returned to Italy during the REVOLUTIONS OF 1848 and took part in the Roman republic of 1849. He organized unsuccessful uprisings in Milan (1853) and in S Italy (1857). He supported GARIBALDI's expedition to Sicily (1860) but, unlike Garibaldi, he remained a republican.

Benjamin Constant


Born near Lausanne, Switzerland, to descendants of Huguenots, Constant was educated at the universities at Erlangen and Edinburgh, the latter having such luminaries as Adam Smith and Adam Ferguson on their faculty-a center of Whig politics.

In contrast to the physiocrats who supported an enlightened despot to promote liberal principles, Constant rejected such solutions, declaring that government was the greatest threat to liberty. The worst thing would be to give the state more power, regardless of what the agenda might be.

He gave many reasons to limit state intervention in the lives of people: 1) errors in law spread their negative effects throughout the nation as opposed to individual errors that are limited in scope; 2) the damage of erroneous laws effect citizens more than legislators who are thus less inclined to repeal them; 3) it takes longer to repair the damage done by legislation than the damage done by individuals by their own private choices; 4) because of the constant watch of critics, politicians are less inclined to publicly admit error and undo the damage done; 5) politicians are more inclined to make decisions based on pragmatism and prejudice than on principle as a citizen may be.

Like Montesquieu, Constant believed in a system of checks and balances and supported the freedom of the press and other institutions. Contrary to some critics of religion at the time, he believed that religion was a positive force in society which helped, like regionalism, to check the power of the state.

His writings are numerous and include literary works as well as works of political theory which include De l'esprit de conquête et de l'usurpation (1814), and Principes de politique (1815).

Edmund Burke

The British statesman and philosopher, Edmund Burke, was born in Dublin, January 12, educated at a Quaker boarding school and at Trinity College, Dublin. In 1750 he entered the Middle Temple, London, but soon abandoned law for literary work. His Vindication of Natural Society, was published in 1756, as was also his Philosophical Inquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful. From 1761 to 1783 he was back in Dublin as private secretary to the Marquis of Rockingham, at that time premier, and entered Parliament for the pocket borough of Wendover. His eloquence once gained him a high position in the Whig party. Rockingham's administration lasted only one year. Although Burke held no public office until the downfall of the North ministry in 1782, Burke's public activity never ceased. Lord North's long administration (1770-1782) was marked by the unsuccessful coercion of the American colonies, by corruption, extravagance, and reaction. Against this policy Burke and his Whig friends could only raise a strong protest.

The best of Burke's writings and speeches belong to this period, and may be described as a defense of sound constitutional statesmanship against prevailing abuse and misgovernment. Observations on the Present State of the Nation (1769) was a reply to George Grenville; On the Causes of the Present Discontents (1770) treats the Wilkes controversy. Perhaps the finest of his many efforts are the speech on American Taxation (1774), the speech on Conciliation with America (1775), and the Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol (1777). These speeches advocated wise and liberal measures which Burke believed would have averted the troubles which ensued.

Burke never systematized his political philosophy. It emerges out of the aforementioned writings and speeches. Opposes to the doctrine of natural rights, yet he takes over the concept of the social contract and attaches to it divine sanction. But his support of the proposals for relaxing the restrictions on the trade of Ireland with Great Britain, and for alleviating the laws against Catholics, cost him the seat at Bristol (1780), and from that time until 1794 he represented Malton. When the disasters of the American War brought Lord North's government to a close, Burke was paymaster of the forces under Rockingham (1782) and also under Portland (1783), After the fall of the Whig ministry in1783, Burke was never again in office. In 1788 he opened the trial of Warren Hastings by the speech which will always rank among the masterpieces of English eloquence.

Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) was read all over Europe and encouraged its rulers to resist, but his opposition to it cost him the support of his fellow Whigs, notably that of Fox. In his Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs, Thoughts on French Affairs, and Letters on a Regicide Peace, he goes further, urging the government to suppress free opinions at home.

Burke had vast knowledge of political affairs, a glowing imagination, passionate sympathies, and an inexhaustible wealth of powerful and cultured expression. However, his delivery was awkward and speeches which today captivate the reader only served to empty the benches of the House of Commons (some speeches were in excess of eight hours).

One of the foremost political thinkers of 18th century England, Burke died July 9, 1797, and was buried in a little church at Beaconsfield.



Born in Stuttgart and educated in Tübingen, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel devoted his life wholly to academic pursuits, teaching at Jena, Nuremberg, Heidelberg, and Berlin. His Wissenschaft der Logik (Science of Logic) (1812-1816) attributes the unfolding of concepts of reality in terms of the pattern of dialectical reasoning (thesis---antithesis---synthesis) that Hegel believed to be the only method of progress in human thought, and Die Encyclopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften im Grundrisse (Encyclopedia of the Philosophical Sciences) (1817) describes the application of this dialectic to all areas of human knowledge, including history. Hegel's Naturrecht und Staatswissenschaft im Grundrisse and Gundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts (Philosophy of Right) (1820) provide an intellectual foundation for modern nationalism. Hegel's absolute idealism is evident even in the early Phänomenologie des Geistes (Phenomenology of Mind) (1807). There Hegel criticized the traditional epistemological distinction of objective from subjective and offered his own dialectical account of the development of consciousness from individual sensation through social concern with ethics and politics to the pure consciousness of the World-Spirit in art, religion, and philosophy.

Frederick William III

(1770-1840), king of Prussia (1797-1840). He was the son of Frederick William II and was born in Potsdam. In 1805 Frederick William III led Prussia into the Napoleonic Wars against France. Prussia was defeated, but the Prussian Army was later reconstituted, and it participated in the victorious campaigns against French emperor Napoleon I from 1813 until 1815. After the war, Frederick William joined the Holy Alliance and participated in the alliance's repression of liberal movements in Europe.

German Confederation

1867–71, alliance of 22 German states N of the Main River. Dominated by Prussia, it replaced the German Confederation and included the states that had supported Prussia in the Austro-Prussian War (1866). The South German states, notably Bavaria, Baden, Württemberg, and the grand duchy of Hesse, though excluded from the confederation, were nevertheless closely bound to it through their membership in the Zollverein. Prepared in broad outline by Otto von Bismarck, the constitution of the confederation, when adopted by the members, provided for a federal council (Bundesrat), composed of deputies from the states, and a lower house (Reichstag), elected by direct manhood suffrage. Prussia exercised predominant influence in both bodies. Executive power was vested in the president—the king of Prussia—who appointed the federal chancellor (as it turned out, Bismarck). The states retained their own governments, but the military forces were controlled by the federal government. In 1871 this constitution was adopted, with some changes, by the German Empire, which replaced the confederation.


student fraternities -- which the Encyclopaedia Britannica still describes as "the Allgemeine Deutsche Burschenschaft (Young Germany Movement), a liberal, idealistic student association."

Carlsbad Decrees

1819, resolutions adopted by the ministers of German states at a conference at Carlsbad that was convened and dominated by Prince Metternich following the murder of August von Kotzebue by a student. The decrees provided for uniform press censorship and close supervision of the universities, with the aim of suppressing all liberal agitation against the conservative governments of Germany, particularly by the student organizations. The resolutions, ratified by the diet of the German Confederation, remained in force until 1848.

August von Kotzebue

(1761-1819), German opera librettist and playwright for the popular stage, born in Weimar. Kotzebue wrote superficial and often sensational melodramas and comedies noted for their portrayals of provincial life. The Stranger (1789-1790) and The Spaniard in Peru (1796) are among his greatest successes.

William Cobbett

the son of a tavern owner, was born in Farnham, Surrey, on 9th March 1763. Taught to read and write by his father, Cobbett worked as a farm labourer until 1783 when he moved to London and found work as a clerk. A year later Cobbett joined the army and eventually achieved the rank of corporal. While his regiment was in Canada, Cobbett discovered that the quartermaster was stealing from army funds. When he attempted to expose this scandal he was accused of being a troublemaker. Cobbett, who had recently married, decided to flee to France with his new bride. After seven months the couple moved to the United States where Cobbett taught English to French refugees.
In 1799
William Cobbett returned to England. Three years later he started his newspaper, the Political Register. At first he supported the Tories but he gradually became more radical. By 1806 he was a strong advocate of parliamentary reform. An unsuccessful attempt to be elected as M.P. for Honiton convinced him of the unfairness of rotten boroughs.
William Cobbett was not afraid to criticise the government in the
Political Register and in 1809 he attacked the use of German troops to put down a mutiny in Ely. Cobbett was tried and convicted for sedition and sentenced to two years' imprisonment in Newgate Prison. When Cobbett was released he continued his campaign against newspaper taxes and government attempts to prevent free speech.
By 1815 the tax on newspapers had reached 4d. a copy. As few people could afford to pay 6d. or 7d. for a newspaper, the tax restricted the circulation of most of these journals to people with fairly high incomes. Cobbett was only able to sell just over a thousand copies a week. The following year Cobbett began publishing the
Political Register as a pamphlet. Cobbett now sold the Political Register for only 2d. and it soon had a circulation of 40,000.
Cobbett's journal was the main newspaper read by the working class. This made Cobbett a dangerous man and in 1817 he heard that the government planned to have him arrested for sedition. Unwilling to spend another period in prison, Cobbett fled to the United States. For two years Cobbett lived on a farm in Long Island where he wrote
Grammar of the English Language and with the help of William Benbow, a friend in London, continued to publish the Political Register.
William Cobbett arrived back in England soon after the Peterloo Massacre. Cobbett joined with other Radicals in his attacks on the government and three times during the next couple of years was charged with libel.
In 1821 William Cobbett started a tour of Britain on horseback. Each evening he recorded his observations on what he had seen and heard that day. This work was published as a series of articles in the
Political Register and as a book, Rural Rides, in 1830.
Cobbett continued to publish controversial material in the
Political Register and in July, 1831, was charged with seditious libel after writing an article in support of the Captain Swing Riots. Cobbett conducted his own defence and he was so successful that the jury failed to convict him.
Cobbett still had a strong desire to be elected to the
House of Commons. He was defeated in Preston in 1826 and Manchester in 1832 but after the passing of the 1832 Reform Act Cobbett was able to win the parliamentary seat of Oldham. In Parliament Cobbett concentrated his energies on attacking corruption in government and the 1834 Poor Law. William Cobbett died on 18th June 1835.

The events in St Peter's Fields in Manchester, England, on 16 August 1819, when an open-air meeting in support of parliamentary reform was charged by yeomanry and hussars. Eleven people were killed and 500 wounded. The name was given in analogy with the Battle of Waterloo.

Coercion Act

The British government supported that 'right' by bringing in the 'Coercion Act' enabling it to declare martial law, and a curfew between sunset and sunrise wherever they wanted.

The 'Coercion Act' and other previously existing laws were used to evict tenants who could not pay rent. The soldiers and constabulary were used to protect food for export from the starving.

Six Acts

Lord Liverpool and his Tory government responded to the Peterloo Massace by introducing the Six Acts. When Parliament reassembled on 23rd November, 1819, Lord Sidmouth, the government 's Home Secretary, announced details of what later became known as the Six Acts. By the 30th December, 1819, Parliament had debated and passed six measures that it hoped would suppress radical newspapers and meetings as well as reducing the possibility of an armed uprising.
(1) Training Prevention Act A measure which made any person attending a gathering for the purpose of training or drilling liable to arrest. People found guilty of this offence could be transportated for seven years.
(2) Seizure of Arms Act A measure that gave power to local magistrates to search any property or person for arms.
(3) Seditious Meetings Prevention Act A measure which prohibited the holding of public meetings of more than fifty people without the consent of a sheriff or magistrate.
(4) The Misdemeanours Act A measure that attempted to reduce the delay in the administration of justice.
(5) The Basphemous and Seditious Libels Act A measure which provided much stronger punishments, including banishment for publications judged to be blaspemous or sedtious.
(6) Newspaper and Stamp Duties Act A measure which subjected certain radical publications which had previously avoided stamp duty by publishing opinion and not news, to such duty.
These measures were opposed by the
Whigs as being a suppression of popular rights and liberties. They warned that it was unreasonable to pass national laws to deal with problems that only existed in certain areas. The Whigs also warned that these measures would encourage radicals to become even more rebellious.

Bourbon Restoration



Concert of Europe

The Concert of Europe was formulated in 1815 as a mechanism to enforce the decisions of the Congress of Vienna. Composed of the Quadruple Alliance: Russia, Prussia, Austria, and Great Britain, its main priorities were to establish a balance of power, thereby preserving the territorial status quo, and to protect "legitimate" governments. Headed by Prince Metternich of Austria, the Concert of Europe was one of the first serious attempts in modern times to establish an international society to maintain the peace. This made it a significant event in world history, even though it only lasted for a few decades.

Internal UprisingsThe Concert of Europe was successful in suppressing uprisings for constitutional governments in both Spain and Italy in the respective years of 1820 and 1822. Crushing liberal forces in these two countries proved to be positive as they enhanced the Concert's integrity by proving to the world that it had the muscle to uphold its resolutions.

Britain Checks Out The first major roadblock for the Concert was their decision to intervene in Latin American revolutions and Briatin's subsequent refusal to do so. Britain reasoned that it would lose trade profit from the Spanish if the rebellions were ended, and thus from nationalistic interest refused to cooperate. Fortuitously, the problem was solved by the United States' issue of the Monroe Doctrine in 1820, which prevented any European nation from gaining control of Latin America.

Eastern Question Russia began to exercise her military strength during theRusso-Turkish Wars of 1828, and in 1831 when Russia defended the Ottomans from Egyptian attack. The Ottoman Empire bountifully rewarded Russia with the Treaty of Unikar-Skelessi in 1833, which gave Russia an advantageous access to the straits between Bosporus and Dardanelles. The Concert was angered that Russia was permitted to use this area, and in an effort to peaceably solve the problem and curtail Russian expansionism, held the Straits Convention of 1841. The resolution of this meeting was that no foreign warships were to enter the Straits .

Impact of Nationalism In the 1840s, nationalism began to assert a strong hold among many European countries, and the Concert was unable to stop the unifications of Germany and Italy. As these two countries had shown, Europeans were filled with a new spirit of "real politics" that was strongly nationalistic and not afraid to use force to accomplish their goals.

Crimean War In 1853, Russia gave up any sort of a pretense at supporting an altruistic "balance of powers" and made an expansionary thrust at the Ottoman Empire. France and Britain, along with some aid from Sardinia, went to war with Russia in the flimsy hope of preserving the balance of power, however, in doing so they ended up sacrificing the peace. The outbreak of this Crimean War in 1853, signified the downfall of the Concert of Europe because the great papers were fighting against each other for national interests.

The Treaty of Paris reached in 1856, firmly centered the great burden imposed on the almost lifeless balance of power. Russia was no longer allowed to have their battleships in the Black Sea or in the Straits, which left Russia with a southern border in need of defense. Now Russia was at a disadvantage with the other powers in the Concert of Europe, and no longer motivated to uphold its goals. Communication between the powers had reached a complete stand-still; by the end of treaty negotiations, the goals of the Concert lay in shattered remnants, and thus, the Concert's function became obsolete.

Quadruple Alliance

one of three European alliances.*1*The Quadruple Alliance of 1718 was formed by Great Britain, France, the Holy Roman emperor, and the Netherlands, in opposition to PHILIP V of Spain and his efforts to nullify the results of the War of the SPANISH SUCCESSION by taking over Sicily. It was generally successful.*2*The Quadruple Alliance of 1814 consisted of Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia and aimed at strengthening the coalition against NAPOLEON I. It is sometimes confused with the HOLY ALLIANCE (to which Britain did not belong).*3*The Quadruple Alliance of 1834 consisted of Great Britain, France, Spain, and Portugal. Its purpose was to strengthen the government of ISABELLA II of Spain against the pretensions of the CARLISTS. The alliance broke up after the Spanish marriages (of Isabella and her sister) in 1846, which Britain opposed.
Holy Alliance

1815, agreement among the emperors of Russia and Austria and the king of Prussia, signed on Sept. 26. It was quite distinct from the Quadruple Alliance (Quintuple, after the admission of France) of Great Britain, Russia, Austria, and Prussia, arrived at first in 1814 and revived in 1815. Nevertheless, both were a part of the resettlement of European political boundaries after the fall of the Napoleonic empire. The alliance was essentially an attempt by the conservative rulers to preserve the social order. It was particularly the product of the religious zeal of Czar Alexander I. Specifically, it accomplished nothing, since it was merely a vague agreement that the sovereigns would conduct themselves in consonance with Christian principles. Ultimately all the princes of Europe signed the alliance except three—George IV of England, who could not, for constitutional reasons; the pope, who could not, for religious reasons; and the sultan, who was not a Christian prince. The agreement was not important, but the name was applied to the cooperation of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, particularly in the period of the European conferences of Aachen, Troppau, Laibach, and Verona. The Holy Alliance became a symbol of the reaction dominated by Metternich. Austria repressed revolution in Italy, and France interfered in Spain in the name of the Holy Alliance. It was against that reactionary solidarity that the British foreign policy under George Canning was directed. The Monroe Doctrine was, in part, an outgrowth of that same fear of the European reactionary powers.


(1769-1822), British statesman, who represented Britain at the Congress of Vienna in 1814 and 1815. He was born in county Down, Ireland. In 1796 he was created Viscount Castlereagh, a courtesy title. He supported the attempt of British prime minister William Pitt the Younger to bring about the political union of Ireland with Great Britain, but after the Act of Union of 1800, Castlereagh resigned from office because of the opposition of King George III to the passing of a Catholic emancipation act.

Castlereagh was a member of the House of Commons from 1801 until his death, serving as leader from 1812. Throughout his career, he feuded with fellow Tory George Canning. Castlereagh believed that Britain had an international responsibility to aid other nations against outside aggressors; Canning supported a more isolationist position because he did not want Britain to pay for foreign wars. Domestically, Castlereagh was extreme in his opposition to much-needed government reform. Canning was more moderate and more supportive of the working and middle classes.


Czar Alexander I

czars of Russia. Alexander I, 1777-1825 (r.1801-25), was the son of PAUL I. He began his reign by relaxing political repression to a degree. In 1805 he joined the coalition against NAPOLEON I, but after Russian defeats he made a tenuous alliance with France by signing the Treaty of Tilsit (1807). After the French invasion of Russia (1812) was repulsed he created the HOLY ALLIANCE, joining with METTERNICH to suppress national and liberal movements. His reactionary domestic policies led to opposition, and when his brother NICHOLAS I succeeded him in 1825 a revolt took place (see DECEMBRISTS). Alexander II, 1818-81 (r.1855-81), son of Nicholas I, negotiated an end to the CRIMEAN WAR (1853-56; see PARIS, TREATY OF) and adopted important reforms, principally the emancipation of the serfs (1861; see EMANCIPATION, EDICT OF) and the introduction of limited local self-government (see ZEMSTVO). His foreign policy included the suppression of the Polish uprising of 1863; the annexation of Central Asia (1865-76); and the RUSSO-TURKISH WARS (1877-78). His domestic reforms were seen as insufficient by the intelligentsia, some of whom formed populist groups. Increasing repression led to terrorism, and in 1881 Alexander was assassinated. Alexander III, 1845-94 (r.1881-94), was the son of Alexander II. Surrounded by reactionary advisors, he increased police power and censorship; weakened the zemstvos; imposed controls on the peasantry; forced Russification on national minorities; and persecuted the Jews. His foreign policy culminated in the TRIPLE ALLIANCE AND TRIPLE ENTENTE. His son NICHOLAS II succeeded him.

Aix-la Chapelle

Compact of May 2, 1668, that ended the French invasion of the Spanish Netherlands (see Devolution, War of). France kept most of its conquests in Flanders; Cambrai, Aire, Saint-Omer, and the province of Franche-Comté were returned to Spain; and the remainder of Spain's possessions in the Low Countries were guaranteed by the Triple Alliance. 2 Treaty of 1748, ending the War of the Austrian Succession. In general, it restored the status quo ante, but it awarded Silesia and Glatz to Prussia and conferred the duchies of Parma, Piacenza, and Guastalla on the Spanish infante Philip. It confirmed the pragmatic sanction of 1713, and it renewed Britain's privilege (acquired 1713) over transporting slaves to Spanish America, the trade agreements with Britain regarding the Spanish colonies, and the recognition of the Protestant succession in England.


A chronicler, date of birth unknown; died 1278. His family name was Strebski, and, being by birth a native of Troppau (Oppavia), he is also known as Martinus Oppaviensis. In his youth he entered the Dominican Order at Prague, and, as the Bohemian monasteries of the Dominicans belonged to the Polish province of the order, he was usually known as Martinus Polonus. After the middle of the thirteenth century he went to Rome, was appointed papal chaplain and penitentiary by Clement IV (1265-8), and retained this position under the succeeding popes. On 22 June, 1278, Nicholas III appointed him Archbishop of Gnesen, and performed in person the episcopal consecration. Shortly afterwards Martin set out on his journey to Poland, but fell so seriously ill on the way that he was compelled to stop at Bologna. He died at this city in the same year, and found interment there. Martin is remembered chiefly for his epitome of the history of the world (Chronica Pontificum et Imperatorum), which was the favourite handbook of the later Middle Ages. The first edition appeared during the pontificate of Clement IV (1265-8); a second recension extends to the death of this pontiff, and a third to 1277. The "Chronicle" was arranged in such a manner that the popes were treated on one side of the codex, and the emperors on the opposite page. As each page contains fifty lines, and each line the historical matter of one year, each page covers a period of fifty years. Alike in matter and in arrangement he followed the old models. The work is entirely uncritical; his sources were to a great extent legendary, and this material is again employed by him in uncritical fashion. The "Chronicle" thus contains little true history, but chiefly a mass of fables and popular legends. He admits, for example, into his third edition the fable of Popess Joan (q. v.), which indeed owes to him its wide dissemination (Chronicle ed. in Mon. Germ., Script., XXII, 397-475). The "Chronicle" was continued by many imitators of Martin. The work printed at Turin in 1477 under the title "Martini Poloni Chronicon summorum Pontificum et Imperatorum" is, however, by a later author, and has no connexion with Martin of Troppau. Besides the "Chronicle", Martin is said to have also written sermons (Sermones de tempore et de Sanctis, Argentorati, 1484), a lexicon of canon law, and a work on the Greek Schism.


Kingdom of the Two Sicilies

The name Two Sicilies was used in the Middle Ages to mean the kingdoms of Sicily and of Naples (see Sicily and Naples, kingdom of). Alfonso V of Aragón, who in 1442 reunited the two kingdoms under his rule, styled himself king of the Two Sicilies. Under his successors the kingdoms were again separate, but the title was revived during Spanish domination (1504–1713) of both kingdoms and after the accession (1759) of a cadet branch of the Spanish line of Bourbon to Naples and Sicily. Ferdinand IV of Naples (Ferdinand III of Sicily) officially merged the two kingdoms in 1816 and called himself Ferdinand I of the Two Sicilies. Both the Sicilians, who thus lost their autonomy, and the pope, who saw his theoretical suzerainty over the two kingdoms ignored, protested the change. A popular uprising (1820) instigated by the Carbonari forced Ferdinand to concede a constitution, but Austrian intervention (1821) after the Congress of Laibach restored his absolute power. The reactionary regimes of his successors Francis I, Ferdinand II, and Francis II finally ended when Sicily and Naples fell to the forces of Garibaldi in 1860. In 1861, Gaeta, Francis's last fortress, surrendered to Victor Emmanuel II of Sardinia, and the Two Sicilies became part of the kingdom of Italy.

Monroe Doctrine

principle of American foreign policy enunciated in President James Monroe's message to Congress, Dec. 2, 1823. It initially called for an end to European intervention in the Americas, but it was later extended to justify U.S. imperialism in the Western Hemisphere.

Origins and Pronouncement

The doctrine grew out of two diplomatic problems. The first was the minor clash with Russia concerning the northwest coast of North America. In this quarrel, Secretary of State John Quincy Adams expressed the principle that the American continents were no longer to be considered as a field for colonization by European powers. That principle was incorporated verbatim in the presidential message. The other and more important part of the doctrine grew out of the fear that the group of reactionary European governments commonly called the Holy Alliance would seek to reduce again to colonial status the Latin American states that had recently gained independence from Spain.

Great Britain, which wished to maintain open commerce with the newly formed states, supported Latin American independence. The United States had just recognized the independence of these states, and in Aug., 1823, the British foreign minister, George Canning, proposed to the United States that a joint note be sent by the two governments protesting intervention in the New World by the Holy Alliance. President Monroe consulted with two of his predecessors, Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, who recommended that Canning's proposal be accepted. Secretary of State Adams dissented. He feared, with some justification, that the British would try to exact a pledge from the United States not to attempt to acquire any territory in Spanish America.

Meanwhile, Canning had secured an agreement with France (which had earlier made the proposal that the Holy Alliance intervene in Latin America), by which France renounced any intention of intervention, thus obviating the need for a joint U.S.–British protest. However, Adams had by then proposed a unilateral action to President Monroe, who finally agreed to this course. The presidential message, therefore, announced that the United States would not interfere in European affairs but would view with displeasure any attempt by the European powers to subject the nations of the New World to their political systems. Thus in a sense the Monroe Doctrine as a dual principle of foreign policy (no colonization and no intervention by European states in the Americas) complemented the policy expressed by George Washington of noninterference in European affairs.

Application and Extension

The doctrine was not ratified by any congressional legislation; it did not obtain a place in international law, and the term Monroe Doctrine did not come into general circulation until the 1850s. Yet the doctrine became important in American policy, particularly when President Polk reasserted its ideas in 1845 and 1848 with respect to British claims in Oregon, British and French intrigues to prevent the U.S. annexation of Texas, and the aspirations of European nations in Yucatán.

The strained relations with Great Britain concerning its sovereignty over several areas in Central America in the 1850s renewed U.S. interest in the doctrine; Great Britain specifically denied its validity. During the Civil War, the doctrine was invoked unsuccessfully after Spain's reacquisition of the Dominican Republic (formerly Santo Domingo). It was also used, somewhat more effectively, to bring pressure on the French government to withdraw support from Maximilian, who had established an empire in Mexico under French auspices.

Under President Grant and his successors the doctrine was expanded. The principle that no territory in the Western Hemisphere could be transferred from one European power to another became part of the Monroe Doctrine. As U.S. imperialistic tendencies grew, the Monroe Doctrine came to be associated not only with the exclusion of European (now extended to mean all non-American) powers from the Americas, but also with the possible extension of U.S. hegemony in the area. This condition explains why the Monroe Doctrine, although it was not formally used to justify American intervention, was viewed with suspicion and dislike by Latin American nations.

In 1895, President Cleveland, in a new extension of the Monroe Doctrine, demanded that Great Britain submit to arbitration a boundary dispute between British Guiana (now Guyana) and Venezuela (see Venezuela Boundary Dispute). Following the Venezuela Claims question, Theodore Roosevelt expounded (1904) what came to be known as the Roosevelt corollary to the Monroe Doctrine; he stated that continued misconduct or disturbance in a Latin American country might force the United States to intervene in order to prevent European intervention. This frankly imperialistic interpretation met much resistance in Latin America but was used extensively during the administrations of Presidents Taft and Wilson to justify intervention in the Caribbean area.

The Monroe Doctrine was so deeply embedded in U.S. foreign policy by the end of World War I that Woodrow Wilson asked for a special exception for it in the Covenant of the League of Nations in 1919. By the end of the next decade the doctrine had become much less important, and its imperialistic aspects were being played down in an effort to foster better relations with Latin America. In the Clark memorandum of Dec., 1928, the U.S. State Department repudiated the Roosevelt corollary.

Under President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the doctrine was redefined as a multilateral undertaking to be applied by all the nations of the hemisphere acting together, and emphasis was placed on Pan-Americanism. Nevertheless, in the 1950s and 60s the specter of unilateral intervention in Latin America was again raised, especially by the involvement of the United States with developments in Guatemala, Cuba, and the Dominican Republic. For the most part, however, the United States has continued to support hemispheric cooperation within the framework of the Organization of American States.

Greek Revolution

The Greek revolution and war of independence, which began in 1821, was the second of the "national revolutions" in the Balkans

Serbian Independence movement


Russian officers who led a mutiny in December 1825. Members of various revolutionary groups influenced by Western and liberal ideas, the Decembrists tried to prevent the accession to the throne of Grand Duke Nicholas, favoring instead Nicholas's brother Constantine and a constitutional monarchy. Their uprising was quickly suppressed, and several of them were executed.


Nicholas I

1796–1855, czar of Russia (1825–55), third son of Paul I. His brother and predecessor, Alexander I, died childless (1825). Constantine, Paul's second son, was next in succession but had secretly renounced (1822) the throne after marrying a Polish aristocrat. This secrecy resulted in confusion at Alexander's death and touched off the Decembrist uprising, a rebellion against Nicholas, which he crushed on the first day of his reign.

Nicholas strove to serve his country's best interests as he saw them, but his methods were dictatorial, paternalistic, and often inadequate. One important achievement, however, was the codification (1832–33) of existing Russian law. A few measures attempted to limit the landlords' powers over their serfs, and the condition of peasants belonging to the state was improved. Industry progressed somewhat; the first Russian railroad was completed in 1838. Efforts were made to stabilize the ruble and reduce the growing national debt.

The motto "autocracy, orthodoxy, and nationality," expressing the principles applied to a new system of education, was also used by Nicholas in suppressing liberal thought, controlling the universities, increasing censorship, persecuting religious and national minorities, and strengthening the secret police. Intellectual life was in ferment, the revolutionary movement took form, and the two schools of thought held by Slavophiles and Westernizers emerged. With Pushkin, Lermontov, and Gogol a golden age in literature began.

Under Nicholas, Russia gained control of part of Armenia and the Caspian Sea after a war with Persia (1826–28). A war with the Ottoman Empire (1828–29; see Russo-Turkish Wars) gave Russia the eastern coast of the Black Sea and the mouth of the Danube. Nicholas brutally suppressed the uprising (1830–31) in Poland and abrogated the Polish constitution and Polish autonomy. In 1849 he helped Austria crush the revolution in Hungary. His attempts to dominate the Ottoman Empire led to the disastrous Crimean War (1853–56). He was succeeded by his son Alexander II.

Poland 1830

Russian rule became increasingly heavy-handed and on November 29, 1830, an uprising erupted, sparked by the Polish cadets. The uprising engulfed the Congress Kingdom and its finely trained army came over, almost in its entirety, to the rebels. In spite of a promising start, however, delaying the abolition of serfdom and serious mishandling of the military operations bungled the opportunity. The victorious Russians then began a campaign of bloody retribution, launching a period of vicious Russification that devastated Polish life in the Russian part of Poland.

Leopold of Saxe-Coburg

Charles X

(1757-1836), king of France (1824-1830). He was the younger brother of kings Louis XVI and Louis XVIII. Following the outbreak of the French Revolution (1789-1799) he lived in Britain. In 1814, when Louis XVIII ascended to the French throne, Charles returned to France. His favoritism during his reign toward the Roman Catholic church and the aristocracy led to the revolution of 1830, which forced Charles to abdicate.

Chamber of Deputies

July Revolution

uprising in Paris in July 1830 that caused the abdication of King Charles X. Charles showed special favor to the nobility and the clergy, who were generally foes of democratic progress, and took severe measures against the liberty of the press. He dissolved the legislature following its protests and called for new elections. After results promised a legislature even more opposed to Charles's policies, the minister of domestic affairs declared the elections null and void. The people revolted, and after three days of fighting the entire city was in the hands of the workers and the middle class. Charles fled to England. The workers advocated a republican government, but the liberals favored a limited monarchy under Louis Philippe, duc d' Orléans. In August Louis Philippe was elected king.

 Four Ordinances

Louis Philippe

1773-1850, king of the French (1830-48), the son of Philippe Égalité (see Louis Philippe Joseph, duc d'Orléans, under ORLéANS, family). Known as the duc d'Orléans before his accession, he joined the army of the FRENCH REVOLUTION, but deserted (1793) and remained in exile until the Bourbon restoration (1814). He figured in the liberal opposition to LOUIS XVIII and CHARLES X, and after the JULY REVOLUTION of 1830 he was chosen king. Although a constitutional monarch, Louis Philippe gained considerable personal power by splitting the liberals, and eventually a conservative ministry to his liking came to power. It was dominated (1840-48) by François GUIZOT. The king promoted friendship with Britain by supporting (1831) Belgian independence, but the Spanish marriages (1846) of ISABELLA II and her sister violated an earlier Franco-British agreement. In France, Louis Philippe became increasingly unpopular with both the right and the left. His opponents began a banquet campaign against the government that led to the FEBRUARY REVOLUTION of 1848. The king abdicated in favor of his grandson, but a republic was declared. Louis Philippe fled to England, where he died. He was known as the citizen king because of his bourgeois manner and dress.
Convention of 1839

Reform Bill of 1832

passed by Charles GREY's Whig ministry, redistributed the seats in the interest of larger cities and gave the vote to middle-class men.

Combination Acts

British acts of 1799 and 1800 that made trade unionism illegal. The laws, as finally amended, sentenced to three months in jail or to two months' hard labour any workingman who combined with another to gain an increase in wages or a decrease in hours or who solicited anyone else to leave work or objected to working with any other workman. The sentence was to be imposed by two magistrates, and appeal was made extremely difficult. Anyone contributing to the expenses of a person convicted under the act was subject to a fine, and defendants could be forced to bear witness against each other. Other clauses forbade employers' combinations, but these were never in any recorded case put into operation. The repeal of the Combination Acts in 1824 was followed by a number of strikes, and in 1825 an unsuccessful attempt was made to reimpose the acts.

Catholic Emancipation Act

term applied to the process by which Roman Catholics in the British Isles were relieved of civil disabilities, dating back to HENRY VIII. In 1791 most of the disabilities in Great Britain were repealed. Agitation in Ireland, led by Daniel O'CONNELL, resulted in the Catholic Emancipation Act (1829), which lifted most other restrictions.

Daniel O'Connell

Daniel O'Connell (1775-1847) was a great Irish statesman, called the Liberator of Ireland. He led a movement that successfully forced the British to pass the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829, allowing Roman Catholics to become members of the British House of Commons.

Until 1800, Ireland had its own separate Parliament which included many Catholic members. However, the British Act of Union abolished local political control by establishing the United Kingdom of England and Ireland. King George III permitted only Church of England Irish to participate in the British Parliament, which had a centuries old history of discrimination against Catholics.

This left the majority of Irish Catholics without proper representation. O'Connell worked to pressure the British to end this discrimination.

In 1828 he even ran for Parliament and received a huge margin of Irish votes. Although he could not be seated, his victory favorably impressed the British prime minister and reform finally occurred in 1829 with the passage of the Catholic Emancipation Act. O'Connell then became a full fledged member of the House of Commons and an eloquent spokesman for the Irish cause. He succeeded in getting more reforms enacted improving the treatment of the Irish.